1989 and the Unfulfilled Ijaw Quest for Autonomy in Edo State: The Case for Toru-Ibe State,
The year 1989 remains a painful and defining moment in the political history of the Ijaw people in what is today Edo State.
It was a period marked by rising ethnic consciousness across Nigeria, driven largely by the struggle for representation, access to resources, and political inclusion within the Nigerian federation.
For the Ijaws of Edo State—particularly those in the riverine areas—1989 symbolized both hope and betrayal: hope for administrative self-determination through the creation of an Ijaw local government area, and betrayal through its eventual frustration by dominant political interests, notably from the Benin establishment.
The 1989 Struggle for an Ijaw Local Government During the late 1980s, Nigeria was under military rule, and the federal government embarked on a nationwide exercise of state and local government creation as part of broader political reforms.
Across the country, ethnic nationalities saw this as an opportunity to correct long-standing imbalances and marginalization. For the Ijaws of Edo State, the demand was straightforward and legitimate: the creation of an Ijaw-dominated local government area that would reflect their population, geography, culture, and historical presence in the Niger Delta region.
The Ijaws had inhabited the creeks, rivers, and coastal belts of the present-day Edo State for centuries, predating colonial boundaries and modern administrative arrangements. Yet, despite their distinct identity and territorial contiguity, they remained subsumed under local governments dominated by non-Ijaw groups, particularly the Benins. This arrangement resulted in chronic underdevelopment of Ijaw communities, political exclusion, and cultural erasure.
In 1989, the agitation for an Ijaw local government gained momentum. Community leaders, youth groups, and traditional institutions mobilized, submitted memoranda, and engaged the political process in good faith. However, this aspiration was ultimately frustrated.
Benin Opposition and the Politics of Exclusion The resistance to the creation of an Ijaw local government did not arise from administrative impracticality or lack of population, but from political domination and ethnic hegemony.
Influential Benin political elites opposed the proposal, viewing it as a threat to territorial control, resource allocation, and political supremacy within Edo State. Through lobbying, political maneuvering, and control of state structures, the Benin establishment succeeded in blocking the Ijaw demand.
The outcome reinforced a system where the Ijaws remained politically voiceless, administratively fragmented, and economically marginalized within a state they helped sustain through their natural resources and strategic location. This episode deepened a sense of injustice among the Ijaws of Edo State.
It confirmed a long-held perception that under the existing Edo political structure, Ijaw aspirations would always be subordinated to the interests of the dominant ethnic group.
Marginalization of the Ijaws of Benin Since 1989, the marginalization of the Ijaws in Edo State has persisted in multiple forms. Politically, Ijaws have remained underrepresented in decision-making spaces.
Administratively, their communities continue to be governed from distant upland centers with little understanding of riverine realities. Economically, despite contributing significantly to oil and gas production, fishing, and maritime activities, Ijaw areas lag behind in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and environmental protection.
Culturally, the Ijaws of Edo State have also faced identity dilution, often being misrepresented or subsumed under Benin narratives. This has further weakened their ability to assert collective rights within the state.
Toru-Ibe State: A Just and Sustainable Solution Against this historical background, the proposed creation of Toru-Ibe State emerges not as a radical demand, but as a just, logical, and sustainable solution to decades of marginalization.
Toru-Ibe State would provide the Ijaws and other riverine peoples of the western Niger Delta with a political space where their voices matter, their culture is protected, and their development priorities are addressed. State creation in Nigeria has often been used as a tool to manage diversity, reduce ethnic domination, and bring governance closer to the people. In this sense, Toru-Ibe State aligns perfectly with the original purpose of Nigeria’s federal structure.
It would correct the historical injustice of 1989, restore dignity to the Ijaws of Edo State, and promote stability by addressing long-standing grievances through constitutional means.
Conclusion The events of 1989 were not merely an administrative setback; they were a clear manifestation of systemic marginalization of the Ijaws within Edo State. The frustration of the Ijaw local government struggle by Benin political interests entrenched inequality and exclusion that continue to shape realities today. More than three decades later, the call for Toru-Ibe State represents a peaceful, democratic, and equitable response to that injustice.
Until the Ijaws are granted a political structure that reflects their identity, history, and contribution, the wounds of 1989 will remain unhealed. Toru-Ibe State is not only an Ijaw aspiration—it is a necessary step toward justice, inclusion, and true federalism in Nigeria.
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